July 4th
Asked why the preamble to the Constitution omitted the customary invocation to God, Alexander Hamilton reportedly said, “We forgot about it.”
At the time of America’s founding, most Christians believed that all truth came from God. Healthy ideas from the Bible, ancient and Enlightenment philosophy were perceived as compatible with God’s truth. The job of religion was to nurture citizen morality and prepare citizens for Republican autonomy.
The French and perceptive outsider, Alexis de Tocqueville saw both warnings and models in American democracy. Writing not academic but as a curious grain traveler, he saw a glimpse into the future of Europe with the US government.
Two years later in the US, he published the first volume of American democracy (1835), a work still cited for its lasting insight into the fragile balance between freedom and equality. For years historians saw Tocville as one of the sharpest observers of democracy. His name isn’t often heard today. Those who once invoked his localism defended the very centralisation he warned. Enforcement power that swollen beyond what the Republic should be allowed, controls other branches of the government,
Tockeville believed that despite his religion, American autonomy could flourish. Faith held separately from the state helped to cultivate a habit of restraint and common interest. “Freedom cannot be established without morality, nor can morality without faith,” he wrote. Without that foundation, Liberty will be unleashed.
But when morality moves from persuasion to power, it does more harm than good. Tockeyville will not have the patience of those who pretend to be honorable today: American Fasters and uneasy moralists who evoke Christian nationalism and “abused democracy.” “I want to chain priests within the sanctuary,” he said, rather than letting them live public life. The more faith tries to govern, the less it will govern itself.
Tockeyville wrote as a social observer, not a theologian. His concern is not doctrine, not democracy. He foresees the Protestant drift towards Unitarian rationalism and, on the other hand, a Catholic revival among those who are more spiritually leaning. But he also expected more spread and more troublesome for him: pantheism– It enhances the holiness of everything, blurring those boundaries, rather than formal beliefs, as a cultural atmosphere.
In his view, when God blends into the landscape, equality may feel safe, but it is a sacrifice. A conviction brings to the submission of emotion, autonomy in comfort, and adorable masks. Worship is self-respect, and citizens risk transferring freedom to the power of their fathers. Personal choices disappear, and society cultivates content with God that it seeks nothing in particular.
This spacious spirituality creates space for Emersaw’s transcendentalism, ceance parlours, incense-heavy rituals, evangelical heights, and purity enthusiasm. What brings these different movements together is not a general vision, but a sensibility that romanticizes personal experiences and romanticizes the self as a visionary and source. Without a shared compass, religion exudes from public interest to private vibe. This is something that we feel rather than following the convenience of the control authorities.
When religion blends in with emotions, civic life becomes hollow. The masses, which drift from concrete duties, are easily managed by corporate oversight and illegal forces.
Tockeyville warned that the pursuit of equality and individualism in democracy could lead to social atomization, weakening of joint ties, and making individuals more vulnerable to manipulation. This, in turn, promotes restlessness and political indifference, making citizens more susceptible to charismatic leaders and, in today’s terms, conspiracy theory.
Religion, when placed correctly, fixes freedom without compulsion. But when it fits into politics or blends into emotions, it loses both authority and usefulness. Its public role depends not on formal status but on inner discipline and common perception. Without this, civic life will be left to the sights and res. What religion offers is restraint, not control. It is the inner boundary that prevents external freedom from turning itself on.
Tocqueville provided principles rather than policies. It’s not a program, it’s just a question. When the ritual becomes hollow and its foundation fades, what maintains freedom? His answer lies in the carefulness and habit of integrating inner beliefs with public actions.
The world has changed beyond Tockeville’s imagination, but the power he observed still shapes our choices. His hope was to recognize what was still underneath the surface, rather than restoring the lost order. It’s an invitation, not an instruction.
Democracy is not a country of any striped sanctuary. Tockville, a Catholic by tradition and belief, would have reflected the Bible: “Judgement begins in the house of God.”
In America, chastity faith fortifies freedom, denys tyranny, and never gets caught up in the flag. Tockeyville would say that he stabilizes his democratic soul when the world feels indifferent.
Notes and reading
Alexis de Tockville, American democracy – Volumes I and II (1835 and 1840). – “My faith has become free.” Part 1, Chapter 17, “Major Causes of the Trend to Maintain the Democratic Republic of the United States.” Adaptation.
Joseph J. Ellis – Founding Brothers: Revolutionary Generation (2002). See the drafting of the constitution and discussion of Hamilton’s role. Ellis, a leading interpreter of the American founding, was a professor of history at Mount Hole York College.
“Creating America Again: Reading Alexis de Tocville’s Democracy in America Today” Paul Keene, New American Studies JournalNo. 75 (2024). Democracy has the potential for the rise of Donald Trump, a new form of tyranny in Todai. Keen is a professor and assistant dean at Carleton University, specializing in 18th and 19th centuries literature, particularly political aspects.
“The ubiquitous threat of democratic pantheism: redemption of freedom” – Aurelian Craiutu, Law and freedom (August 15, 2012). Craiutu is a professor of political science at Indiana University and also directs the Tockey Building Program.
Change of government – Patrick DeNine (2023). DeNine is the main voice of new conservatism, which views liberalism as a failure and calls for a political order rooted in the common interest, cultivates virtue through the exercise of state power. For Tocville, the exercise of political authority that governs freedoms that govern virtues controls security and moral conformity. look American democracyVol. 2, Part 4, Chapter 6 – DeNine is a professor of government at Notre Dame; Post-facto ordera journal that advocates politics based on common goodness and traditions against liberal individualism. (Personal: I don’t agree with Patrick, but he is a respected colleague. )
“Judgment begins in the house of God.” 1 Peter 4:17.
Tip #215 – Charged field
Tip #214 – God’s Comedy, the gloomy prophet
Approx. 2 + 2 = 5
Source: 2 + 2 = 5 – williamgreen.substack.com
